MEMBERS Of THE VENIZELIST GOVERNMENT TAKING THE OATH OF FIDELITY
KING ALEXANDER READING HIS SPEECH FROM THE THRONE AFTER TAKING THE OATH
KING CONSTANTINE AND PRINCE (AFTERWARDS KING) ALEXANDER
Plain Words to King Constantine
King Constantine has temporized too often, and has more than once acquiesced in principles which he never had the smallest intention of putting into effect
December 16, 1916
The Entente Powers have at last, after far too much hesitation, taken the only possible course with King Constantine of Greece. On Thursday Sir Francis Elliot, on behalf of the ministers of the Allies, handed to the Greece’s Foreign Minister a Note framed in the most firm and peremptory terms. The Greek Government were given twenty-four hours, which expired yesterday, to begin to move their troops in a direction indicated, and were told that failure to comply would be looked upon as “an act of hostility”.
We could ask for nothing more drastic than the contents of the Note. It began by declaring that recent events in Athens had “proved in a conclusivo manner” that neither the King nor the Greek Government were. in possession of sufficient authority over the Greek Army to prevent it from becoming a menace to the Allied Armies in Macedonia. The Allied Governments therefore demanded the immediate “displacement” of the Greek troops and war material, and they specified the directions in which they were to be sent. It is understood that the entire Greek force was to be withdrawn from Thessaly, where it is far too near General Sarrail’s line of communications; and a portion of the Army was to be sent south to the Peloponnesus. The Greek Government were to begin the removal within twenty-four hours, and were to complete the movements as rapidly as possible. Failing unqualified acceptance by the Greek Government within twenty-four hours, the Allied Ministers and their Staffs were to leave Greece at once; but the blockade would bo continued until full reparation had been made for the unprovoked attack upon the Allied troops in Athens.
The Note is in effect an ultimatum, and our only regret is that some such step was not taken long ago. It is said that yesterday there were indications that King Constantine and his advisers were inclined to accept “in principle” the Allied demands. At this stage no acceptance “in principle” can be entertained for a moment unless it is instantly accompanied by action. King Constantine has temporized too often, and has more than once acquiesced in principles which he never had the smallest intention of putting into effect. We have repeatedly pointed out that his obvious intention is to play for time. He expects succour from the north, and meanwhile he is prepared to discuss principles at interminable length. The Allies have at last taken the measure of his aims.
We are confident that the new War Cabinets of Great Britain and Franco will not repeat the unfortunate mistake of Admiral du Fournet. The public in both countries will look to them not to place themselves in the humiliating position of formulating demands which they cannot enforce should action become necessary. Admiral du Fournet made the error of risking a small force which was quite unable to ensure fulfilment of the wishes of the Allies. There must be no repetition of that deplorablo occurrence. We are steadily moving towards a very critical situation in Greece and in Macedonia. It can still be saved, but only by immediate and adequate reparation, which we hope is in progress, against possible developments.
The four great Allied Powers cannot conceivably have called upon King Constantine to do their bidding without being ready to apply compulsion should the necessity arise. We fear it may arise, for the increasing hostility of the Greek Monarch is hardly veiled. We shall never feel safe about Greece, we shall never be in a position to pursue our projects in Macedonia, until the Greek Royalist Army and its pro-German leaders have been removed to areas where they cannot affect the military situation. The true remedy for Greece, in their present unhappy and divided condition, is to keep her sword sheathed and to place the country under the control of M Venizelos. This remedy is advocated in the important letter we publish today, signed by Lord Cromer, Dr Burrows, Sir Arthur Evans, Sir James Frazer, and other prominent scholars and friends of Greece. They urge that the Protecting Powers - a timely designation of great significance - should insist upon the recall of M Venizelos in the general direction of affairs.
We agree, but such a course is not possible in the presence of a hostile King and an over-excited Army. The first necessity is to eliminate the Greek Army. The Allies have propounded their plan. If it is rejected, they must undertake the task themselves.
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/king-constantines-fall-xj2c2vgmz?CMP=TNLEmail_118918_1871716
The reports which we published yesterday on the impending abdication, of King Constantine were confirmed later in both Houses of Parliament. Mr Bonar Law stated that the King had abdicated in favour of his second son, Prince Alexander, who has taken the oath as Sovereign. Although Mr Law refused in the public interest to give further information at present, he corrected as erroneous a suggestion that His Majesty had nominated his successor.
In view of the positive assurances that the King has “abdicated”, the wording of the official communication which M Zaimis has made to the High Commissioner of the three Protecting Powers seems remarkable. It recites, indeed, to use the lawyer’s phrase, that the Note of the three Powers - which is still unpublished - had demanded the abdication of King Constantine and the appointment of his successor, but it does not contain any positive statement that the demand has been complied with. It substitutes a declaration that His Majesty “has decided to leave the country with the Crown Prince, and designates as his successor Prince Alexander”. This may amount by implication to an abdication, but by implication only. Neither the King nor his eldest son makes any renunciation of his rights, and without such a renunciation there is, strictly speaking, no “abdication”.
The assent of Prince George to the measure is not even mentioned. The perverse ingenuity with which the King read the meaning out of his solemn and specific engagements with Serbia shows that language which is designed to bind him on so momentous a matter cannot be too explicit and precise. No official statement is made as to the place chosen for his future residence - a matter of some importance - especially as Lord Curzon says he intends to take a party of his friends with him. There are countries in which such a party might become the centre of troublesome intrigues.
The ease and tranquillity with which this necessary step has been carried out show how unfounded were the timid fears which forbade its accomplishment long ago, when its salutary results in the Balkans would have been more certainly assured. Even now, we believe that it will have a very wholesome effect, not only in that peninsula, but in Courts elsewhere which have presumed too boldly upon the forbearance and the vacillation of the Allies.
The object of the change, Mr Bonar Law explained, is the hope of the Allies that it will make for the union of Greece and the restoration of constitutional government, representative of thc whole country. King Alexander is understood to be free from the Potsdam conceptions of monarchy, and it has been believed in the past that he would be acceptable to Mr Venizelos as a constitutional Sovereign. We earnestly hope that the statesman who saved the dynasty and the country when military anarchy threatened them eight years ago, will be summoned at once to assist King Alexander in this new crisis of their people’s destinies.
It is true that quite recently some prominent members of the Provisional Government at Salonika over which M Venizelos presides have roundly declared that not only the ex-King, but the dynasty has become impossible, and that no compromise is conceivable between it and Liberal Greece. But it is worth noting that, while M Venizelos vehemently reiterated his refusal of any reconciliation with the then Sovereign not many weeks ago, he does not appear to have extended it to the Royal Honse. He rejected King Constantine as the tool of Germany, the enemy of the cause which he himself has always seen to be the true cause of Greece, and the enemy of constitutional government.
King Constantine violated the Constitution when he refused to sanction the Entente policy of his then Minister in the autumn of 1915, after that Minister had come back from the constituencies with a substantial majority on this very issue. Instead of bowing to the decision of the country he attempted personal rule. Then the Protecting Powers made the cardinal mistake of their policy towards Greece by refraining, from the exercise of their clear right to insist that the. Constitution should be observed.
Their whole conduct, it must be owned, gave a good deal of justification to the King’s complaint that their Balkan policy “had not been at any time very definite”. We trust that it will be definite and firm now. If it is, we are confident that a statesman with the large views and the devoted patriotism of M Venizelos will gladly work with them and with the new King for the unity and the liberty of the Greek nation. He has, of course, a perfect right to require the strongest and the most explicit guarantees that his policy and the policy of the people will not again be hampered or impeded by the personal action of the Sovereign, or by any clique behind the Throne. And these guarantees must necessarily include the disappearance from Greek soil of the whole body of German and pro-German agents who so grievously misled the former King.
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/king-constantines-departure-7f5vn529j?CMP=TNLEmail_118918_1871716
We could ask for nothing more drastic than the contents of the Note. It began by declaring that recent events in Athens had “proved in a conclusivo manner” that neither the King nor the Greek Government were. in possession of sufficient authority over the Greek Army to prevent it from becoming a menace to the Allied Armies in Macedonia. The Allied Governments therefore demanded the immediate “displacement” of the Greek troops and war material, and they specified the directions in which they were to be sent. It is understood that the entire Greek force was to be withdrawn from Thessaly, where it is far too near General Sarrail’s line of communications; and a portion of the Army was to be sent south to the Peloponnesus. The Greek Government were to begin the removal within twenty-four hours, and were to complete the movements as rapidly as possible. Failing unqualified acceptance by the Greek Government within twenty-four hours, the Allied Ministers and their Staffs were to leave Greece at once; but the blockade would bo continued until full reparation had been made for the unprovoked attack upon the Allied troops in Athens.
The Note is in effect an ultimatum, and our only regret is that some such step was not taken long ago. It is said that yesterday there were indications that King Constantine and his advisers were inclined to accept “in principle” the Allied demands. At this stage no acceptance “in principle” can be entertained for a moment unless it is instantly accompanied by action. King Constantine has temporized too often, and has more than once acquiesced in principles which he never had the smallest intention of putting into effect. We have repeatedly pointed out that his obvious intention is to play for time. He expects succour from the north, and meanwhile he is prepared to discuss principles at interminable length. The Allies have at last taken the measure of his aims.
We are confident that the new War Cabinets of Great Britain and Franco will not repeat the unfortunate mistake of Admiral du Fournet. The public in both countries will look to them not to place themselves in the humiliating position of formulating demands which they cannot enforce should action become necessary. Admiral du Fournet made the error of risking a small force which was quite unable to ensure fulfilment of the wishes of the Allies. There must be no repetition of that deplorablo occurrence. We are steadily moving towards a very critical situation in Greece and in Macedonia. It can still be saved, but only by immediate and adequate reparation, which we hope is in progress, against possible developments.
The four great Allied Powers cannot conceivably have called upon King Constantine to do their bidding without being ready to apply compulsion should the necessity arise. We fear it may arise, for the increasing hostility of the Greek Monarch is hardly veiled. We shall never feel safe about Greece, we shall never be in a position to pursue our projects in Macedonia, until the Greek Royalist Army and its pro-German leaders have been removed to areas where they cannot affect the military situation. The true remedy for Greece, in their present unhappy and divided condition, is to keep her sword sheathed and to place the country under the control of M Venizelos. This remedy is advocated in the important letter we publish today, signed by Lord Cromer, Dr Burrows, Sir Arthur Evans, Sir James Frazer, and other prominent scholars and friends of Greece. They urge that the Protecting Powers - a timely designation of great significance - should insist upon the recall of M Venizelos in the general direction of affairs.
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/king-constantines-fall-xj2c2vgmz?CMP=TNLEmail_118918_1871716
King Constantine’s Fall
King Alexander is understood to be free from the Potsdam conceptions of monarchy, and it has been believed in the past that he would be acceptable to Mr Venizelos as a constitutional Sovereign
June 14, 1917
The reports which we published yesterday on the impending abdication, of King Constantine were confirmed later in both Houses of Parliament. Mr Bonar Law stated that the King had abdicated in favour of his second son, Prince Alexander, who has taken the oath as Sovereign. Although Mr Law refused in the public interest to give further information at present, he corrected as erroneous a suggestion that His Majesty had nominated his successor.
In view of the positive assurances that the King has “abdicated”, the wording of the official communication which M Zaimis has made to the High Commissioner of the three Protecting Powers seems remarkable. It recites, indeed, to use the lawyer’s phrase, that the Note of the three Powers - which is still unpublished - had demanded the abdication of King Constantine and the appointment of his successor, but it does not contain any positive statement that the demand has been complied with. It substitutes a declaration that His Majesty “has decided to leave the country with the Crown Prince, and designates as his successor Prince Alexander”. This may amount by implication to an abdication, but by implication only. Neither the King nor his eldest son makes any renunciation of his rights, and without such a renunciation there is, strictly speaking, no “abdication”.
The assent of Prince George to the measure is not even mentioned. The perverse ingenuity with which the King read the meaning out of his solemn and specific engagements with Serbia shows that language which is designed to bind him on so momentous a matter cannot be too explicit and precise. No official statement is made as to the place chosen for his future residence - a matter of some importance - especially as Lord Curzon says he intends to take a party of his friends with him. There are countries in which such a party might become the centre of troublesome intrigues.
The ease and tranquillity with which this necessary step has been carried out show how unfounded were the timid fears which forbade its accomplishment long ago, when its salutary results in the Balkans would have been more certainly assured. Even now, we believe that it will have a very wholesome effect, not only in that peninsula, but in Courts elsewhere which have presumed too boldly upon the forbearance and the vacillation of the Allies.
The object of the change, Mr Bonar Law explained, is the hope of the Allies that it will make for the union of Greece and the restoration of constitutional government, representative of thc whole country. King Alexander is understood to be free from the Potsdam conceptions of monarchy, and it has been believed in the past that he would be acceptable to Mr Venizelos as a constitutional Sovereign. We earnestly hope that the statesman who saved the dynasty and the country when military anarchy threatened them eight years ago, will be summoned at once to assist King Alexander in this new crisis of their people’s destinies.
King Constantine violated the Constitution when he refused to sanction the Entente policy of his then Minister in the autumn of 1915, after that Minister had come back from the constituencies with a substantial majority on this very issue. Instead of bowing to the decision of the country he attempted personal rule. Then the Protecting Powers made the cardinal mistake of their policy towards Greece by refraining, from the exercise of their clear right to insist that the. Constitution should be observed.
Their whole conduct, it must be owned, gave a good deal of justification to the King’s complaint that their Balkan policy “had not been at any time very definite”. We trust that it will be definite and firm now. If it is, we are confident that a statesman with the large views and the devoted patriotism of M Venizelos will gladly work with them and with the new King for the unity and the liberty of the Greek nation. He has, of course, a perfect right to require the strongest and the most explicit guarantees that his policy and the policy of the people will not again be hampered or impeded by the personal action of the Sovereign, or by any clique behind the Throne. And these guarantees must necessarily include the disappearance from Greek soil of the whole body of German and pro-German agents who so grievously misled the former King.
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/king-constantines-departure-7f5vn529j?CMP=TNLEmail_118918_1871716
King Constantine’s departure
One man threw himself in the water in an endeavour, apparently, to follow the Royal boat, but he was rescued
June 16, 1917
The departure of ex-King Constantine, with Queen Sophie, the Crown Prince, the Princesses, and Prince Paul, which I witnessed this morning at Oropos, a small port in the Gulf of Euboea, took place very quietly.
Oropos is a tiny fishing village with a small jetty. All the night and all the morning motor-cars had been bringing the King’s luggage. A number of the King’s personal friends came to see him off. The late King George’s yacht Sphakteria was refitted rapidly to receive the Royal Family, and lay off Oropos this morning escorted by two French destroyers, whose tri-colours flapped broadly against the Euboean hills.
The ex-King and Queen and the Crown Prince arrived in motor-cars shortly after 11 o’clock. The King wore a general’s uniform and got slowly out of the car, which drew up close to the jetty, where two French officers stood rigidly. A small group of country people and schoolgirls mingled with M Zaimis, the Prime Minister, courtiers, and official personages. The King was pale, but erect and composed. He took a bouquet of flowers which a small child on the top of a wall thrust out to him. People gave subdued cheers, and peasants on the jetty knelt as the King and Queen passed them.
The King made way for the Queen, bidding the people let them pass. The Royal Family then quickly entered a waiting motor-launch and were borne to their vessel. The King was dignified, and bowed and saluted, but he scarcely uttered a word from the moment of his arrival till the launch cast off. Several of his friends were weeping. One man threw himself in the water in an endeavour, apparently, to follow the Royal boat, but he was rescued. The King and his family are eventually going to St Moritz, Switzerland, through Italy.
EX-KING’S FAREWELL TO GREECE
The following is the full text of King Constantine’s proclamation on leaving Athens:
Yielding to necessity, accomplishing my duty towards Greece, and having in view only the interests of the country, I am leaving my dear country with the Crown Prince, leaving my son Alexander on the throne. Still, when far from Greece, the Queen and I will always preserve the same love for the Hellenic people.
I beg all to accept my decision calmly and quietly, trusting in God, whose protection I invoke for the nation. In order that my bitter sacrifice for my country may not be in vain I exhort you, for love of God, for love of our country, and, if you love me, to maintain perfect order and quiet discipline, the slightest lapse from which, even though well intentioned, might be enough to cause a great catastrophe.
The love and devotion which you have always manifested for the Queen and myself in days of happiness and sorrow alike are a great consolation to us at the present time.
May God protect Greece.
FINAL SCENES, ATHENS
The Allies’ High Commissioner, M Jonnart, was perfectly courteous but perfectly plain and unswerving in the course of all the negotiations - if they can be called negotiations - which have taken place. He knew his mission was a military one, and he took it like a cavalry charge. M Jonnart encountered great obstacles. A perfervid flood of frightened telegrams poured into the Allied capitals from well-intentioned but ill-informed sources, declaring that if any attempt was made to remove King Constantine war and civil war would begin side by side, and Athens be irrigated with blood.
Efforts were made to restrict our action to the occupation of Thessaly; a suggestion was made to offer us merely M Gounaris, General Dousmanis, and Colonel John Metaxas, who would have been handed over to us in a group - a sort of evil parody of the Burghers of Calais. Everything was tried in one way or another to persuade us to agree again to one of the usual compromises which have all along restricted M Venizelos - one does not know why - in order to uphold the King - one knows why still less. M Zaimis, the Prime Minister, in an interview with M Jonnart on a French cruiser on Sundav afternoon, received something more than an inkling of what would be demanded, but he was at the same time aware of the strenuous endeavours which were going on to save the King. When he visited the King later they parted as two men not without hope.
Athens was restive with the news of transports cruising in the Gulf of Corinth, but bravado began to die out of the Germanophil papers, and though four or five hundred reservists gathered in one of the principal squares of Athens and were harangued by an inflammatory ex-magistrate named Livieratos, they simply engaged in defiant choruses of their favourite song. They afterwards fell silent, shifted about uneasily, and drifted to their houses.
The principal Venizelists had been advised by the Allied Legations to leave Athens, and had mostly gone to Syra or villages on the Gulf of Salamis. The rest of the population sat very late at cafes or walked about, and then, when it was known that tho Reservists had dispersed, went home towards dawn.
On the eventful morning of Monday M Zaimis at 9 o’clock went on board a cruiser, where M Jonnart saw him and told him that his decision was irrevocable and handed him an ultimatum demanding on behalf of Great Britain, France, and Russia the abdication of King Constantine within 24 hours, on the grounds that he had violated the Constitution of the country. M Zaimis left, those who were there say, looking drawn and his eyes fixed. By 11 o’clock he was back in Athens and went straight to the palace and told the King of his fate. The King listened with great calm and said to M Zaimis: “I desire the Crown Council to be summoned.” M Zaimis, much distressed, left the room and the King retired to his study, where, some minutes after, one of his aide-de camps found him deep in a chair, his head bent on his hand and “very pensive”.
At 11.30 the Crown Council began, there being present, besides M Zaimis, M Skouloudis, M Lambros, M. Dimitrakopoulos, M Gounaris, M Stratos, M Kalogheropoulos, M Rallis, and M Dragoumis - all ex-Prime Ministers. When they were seated the King read to them the demands of the Allies.
It is difficult to be quite sure of what happened, but it seems certain that when the King pronounced the fateful words demanding his abdication he turned towards them as for their opinion, and M Gounaris (the arch pro-German politician) half rose and said: “Impossible! It is impossible that - ,” when the King stopped him, raised his hand, and said: “I have decided to accept.”
The Council lasted till 2.30, the Ministers insisting on seeing if a way of satisfying the Allies’ demands could not be found without the abdication of the King, but it all ended in their recognizing the hopelessness of the situation, and the Council was dismissed by the King.
The demeanour of the Ministers as they came out showed the throng of waiting journalists that they had heard grave news, but they would not speak. M Gounaris seemed incapable of speaking. M Skouloudis, under whose Premiership Fort Rupel was handed over to the Bulgarians and the disasters of today largely prepared, was pale and shaking, and had to be assisted into his motor-car. When he reached home he remained prostrate for a considerable time.
Meanwhile the Government had had posted before the various newspaper offices a proclamation that the dynasty was not in danger, and that M Jonnart, as the Allies’ representative, wished to see Greece great and powerful and absolutely independent. Later a semi-official French leaflet was circulated in the streets saying that if the present crisis passed over quietly the Protecting Powers would raise the blockade, undertake the revictualling of the country, and carry out other already published promises. This made a deep impression, but by midday the news was spreading in the city that something of great gravity was imminent, and groups began to form in the main streets outside the chief cafes. News of the seizure of the Isthmus of Corinth by French troops which arrived on top of this was published in heavy characters in the midday papers, and these little groups of people grew more excited, and officers in their summer white drill uniforms and holding the handles of their sabres, raised their voices, but nevertheless there was always, a steady stream of passers-by who watched curiously these little meetings, and then went their way, unwilling to be drawn in and scenting danger.
In the Palace the King had gone to luncheon with all the members of the Royal Family, and during the meal would say nothing of his interview. With the general strain upon all present it was almost passed through in silence. Immediately after luncheon he declared that he was to be forced to abdicate and that his eldest son must abandon his rights. The Queen burst into tears, fell on a couch, and spoke no word. The King sent for Mlle Konbostavlou, her lady-in-waiting, to tend the Queen. The Princesses were equally overcome.
The Greek Royal Family will most probably take up their abode at Salso Maggioro (Italy). The Sphakteria will sail direct to an Italian port without calling at Corfu.
Oropos is a tiny fishing village with a small jetty. All the night and all the morning motor-cars had been bringing the King’s luggage. A number of the King’s personal friends came to see him off. The late King George’s yacht Sphakteria was refitted rapidly to receive the Royal Family, and lay off Oropos this morning escorted by two French destroyers, whose tri-colours flapped broadly against the Euboean hills.
The ex-King and Queen and the Crown Prince arrived in motor-cars shortly after 11 o’clock. The King wore a general’s uniform and got slowly out of the car, which drew up close to the jetty, where two French officers stood rigidly. A small group of country people and schoolgirls mingled with M Zaimis, the Prime Minister, courtiers, and official personages. The King was pale, but erect and composed. He took a bouquet of flowers which a small child on the top of a wall thrust out to him. People gave subdued cheers, and peasants on the jetty knelt as the King and Queen passed them.
The King made way for the Queen, bidding the people let them pass. The Royal Family then quickly entered a waiting motor-launch and were borne to their vessel. The King was dignified, and bowed and saluted, but he scarcely uttered a word from the moment of his arrival till the launch cast off. Several of his friends were weeping. One man threw himself in the water in an endeavour, apparently, to follow the Royal boat, but he was rescued. The King and his family are eventually going to St Moritz, Switzerland, through Italy.
EX-KING’S FAREWELL TO GREECE
Yielding to necessity, accomplishing my duty towards Greece, and having in view only the interests of the country, I am leaving my dear country with the Crown Prince, leaving my son Alexander on the throne. Still, when far from Greece, the Queen and I will always preserve the same love for the Hellenic people.
I beg all to accept my decision calmly and quietly, trusting in God, whose protection I invoke for the nation. In order that my bitter sacrifice for my country may not be in vain I exhort you, for love of God, for love of our country, and, if you love me, to maintain perfect order and quiet discipline, the slightest lapse from which, even though well intentioned, might be enough to cause a great catastrophe.
The love and devotion which you have always manifested for the Queen and myself in days of happiness and sorrow alike are a great consolation to us at the present time.
May God protect Greece.
FINAL SCENES, ATHENS
The Allies’ High Commissioner, M Jonnart, was perfectly courteous but perfectly plain and unswerving in the course of all the negotiations - if they can be called negotiations - which have taken place. He knew his mission was a military one, and he took it like a cavalry charge. M Jonnart encountered great obstacles. A perfervid flood of frightened telegrams poured into the Allied capitals from well-intentioned but ill-informed sources, declaring that if any attempt was made to remove King Constantine war and civil war would begin side by side, and Athens be irrigated with blood.
Efforts were made to restrict our action to the occupation of Thessaly; a suggestion was made to offer us merely M Gounaris, General Dousmanis, and Colonel John Metaxas, who would have been handed over to us in a group - a sort of evil parody of the Burghers of Calais. Everything was tried in one way or another to persuade us to agree again to one of the usual compromises which have all along restricted M Venizelos - one does not know why - in order to uphold the King - one knows why still less. M Zaimis, the Prime Minister, in an interview with M Jonnart on a French cruiser on Sundav afternoon, received something more than an inkling of what would be demanded, but he was at the same time aware of the strenuous endeavours which were going on to save the King. When he visited the King later they parted as two men not without hope.
Athens was restive with the news of transports cruising in the Gulf of Corinth, but bravado began to die out of the Germanophil papers, and though four or five hundred reservists gathered in one of the principal squares of Athens and were harangued by an inflammatory ex-magistrate named Livieratos, they simply engaged in defiant choruses of their favourite song. They afterwards fell silent, shifted about uneasily, and drifted to their houses.
The principal Venizelists had been advised by the Allied Legations to leave Athens, and had mostly gone to Syra or villages on the Gulf of Salamis. The rest of the population sat very late at cafes or walked about, and then, when it was known that tho Reservists had dispersed, went home towards dawn.
On the eventful morning of Monday M Zaimis at 9 o’clock went on board a cruiser, where M Jonnart saw him and told him that his decision was irrevocable and handed him an ultimatum demanding on behalf of Great Britain, France, and Russia the abdication of King Constantine within 24 hours, on the grounds that he had violated the Constitution of the country. M Zaimis left, those who were there say, looking drawn and his eyes fixed. By 11 o’clock he was back in Athens and went straight to the palace and told the King of his fate. The King listened with great calm and said to M Zaimis: “I desire the Crown Council to be summoned.” M Zaimis, much distressed, left the room and the King retired to his study, where, some minutes after, one of his aide-de camps found him deep in a chair, his head bent on his hand and “very pensive”.
At 11.30 the Crown Council began, there being present, besides M Zaimis, M Skouloudis, M Lambros, M. Dimitrakopoulos, M Gounaris, M Stratos, M Kalogheropoulos, M Rallis, and M Dragoumis - all ex-Prime Ministers. When they were seated the King read to them the demands of the Allies.
It is difficult to be quite sure of what happened, but it seems certain that when the King pronounced the fateful words demanding his abdication he turned towards them as for their opinion, and M Gounaris (the arch pro-German politician) half rose and said: “Impossible! It is impossible that - ,” when the King stopped him, raised his hand, and said: “I have decided to accept.”
The Council lasted till 2.30, the Ministers insisting on seeing if a way of satisfying the Allies’ demands could not be found without the abdication of the King, but it all ended in their recognizing the hopelessness of the situation, and the Council was dismissed by the King.
The demeanour of the Ministers as they came out showed the throng of waiting journalists that they had heard grave news, but they would not speak. M Gounaris seemed incapable of speaking. M Skouloudis, under whose Premiership Fort Rupel was handed over to the Bulgarians and the disasters of today largely prepared, was pale and shaking, and had to be assisted into his motor-car. When he reached home he remained prostrate for a considerable time.
Meanwhile the Government had had posted before the various newspaper offices a proclamation that the dynasty was not in danger, and that M Jonnart, as the Allies’ representative, wished to see Greece great and powerful and absolutely independent. Later a semi-official French leaflet was circulated in the streets saying that if the present crisis passed over quietly the Protecting Powers would raise the blockade, undertake the revictualling of the country, and carry out other already published promises. This made a deep impression, but by midday the news was spreading in the city that something of great gravity was imminent, and groups began to form in the main streets outside the chief cafes. News of the seizure of the Isthmus of Corinth by French troops which arrived on top of this was published in heavy characters in the midday papers, and these little groups of people grew more excited, and officers in their summer white drill uniforms and holding the handles of their sabres, raised their voices, but nevertheless there was always, a steady stream of passers-by who watched curiously these little meetings, and then went their way, unwilling to be drawn in and scenting danger.
In the Palace the King had gone to luncheon with all the members of the Royal Family, and during the meal would say nothing of his interview. With the general strain upon all present it was almost passed through in silence. Immediately after luncheon he declared that he was to be forced to abdicate and that his eldest son must abandon his rights. The Queen burst into tears, fell on a couch, and spoke no word. The King sent for Mlle Konbostavlou, her lady-in-waiting, to tend the Queen. The Princesses were equally overcome.
The Greek Royal Family will most probably take up their abode at Salso Maggioro (Italy). The Sphakteria will sail direct to an Italian port without calling at Corfu.
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