https://www.thetimes.co.uk/past-six-days/2017-12-06/register/an-interview-with-trotsky-sz7ksgkv5
From our Special Correspondent, Petrograd, Dec 2.
Today I had an interesting conversation with the People’s Commissioner for Foreign Affairs. Trotsky, who had previously met me in Bulgaria, began the conversation by stating that negotiations for an armistice would begin this evening. The Government desired, not a separate peace, but a general peace. On this point he dwelt strongly. At first, he said, there would be not an armistice but a suspension of hostilities, during which the Russian Army would maintain a combative attitude.
In reply to my question how he expected the Allies to associate themselves so soon with the negotiations, in consequence of the pressure of the masses on the Governments, he said: “There will be three stages in the pour-parlers: One, suspension of hostilities; two, armistice; three, peace negotiations. The Allies can join when they like. The first and second stages would be temporary and provisional, then would begin the negotiations for a general peace.”
From our Special Correspondent, Petrograd, Dec 2.
Today I had an interesting conversation with the People’s Commissioner for Foreign Affairs. Trotsky, who had previously met me in Bulgaria, began the conversation by stating that negotiations for an armistice would begin this evening. The Government desired, not a separate peace, but a general peace. On this point he dwelt strongly. At first, he said, there would be not an armistice but a suspension of hostilities, during which the Russian Army would maintain a combative attitude.
In reply to my question how he expected the Allies to associate themselves so soon with the negotiations, in consequence of the pressure of the masses on the Governments, he said: “There will be three stages in the pour-parlers: One, suspension of hostilities; two, armistice; three, peace negotiations. The Allies can join when they like. The first and second stages would be temporary and provisional, then would begin the negotiations for a general peace.”
He maintained with great emphasis that the Government has no idea whatever of a separate peace, but of a general peace negotiated in concert with the Allies. He hoped that during the interval afforded by these preliminary proceedings the various peoples would react on their Governments to dispose them to take part in the negotiations.
In reply to my observation that the Government by its procedure has left little time for the development of such a movement on the part of the various democracies, he said that he contemplated a suspension of hostilities for a week or a fortnight for the purpose of negotiating a formal armistice. This period, might be prolonged, perhaps considerably, until a basis could be reached, in the first instance for an armistice and eventually for a general peace.
What he and his friends hoped for was a democratic, not an imperialistic, peace. They were against imperialism in all countries, Great Britain included. There would, therefore, be no such thing as secret diplomacy in the coming negotiations, whether for an armistice or a general peace. All proceedings would be published de die in diem.
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/register/trotskys-idea-of-peace-9hxpq0vc9
In reply to my observation that the Government by its procedure has left little time for the development of such a movement on the part of the various democracies, he said that he contemplated a suspension of hostilities for a week or a fortnight for the purpose of negotiating a formal armistice. This period, might be prolonged, perhaps considerably, until a basis could be reached, in the first instance for an armistice and eventually for a general peace.
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/register/trotskys-idea-of-peace-9hxpq0vc9
december 7, 1917
Trotsky’s idea of peace
Trotsky, in the further course of my conversation with him (reported in The Times of yesterday) repudiated all idea of negotiating for the advantage of the Kaiser or of German Imperialism. In reply to the question whether the doctrine of “no annexations” could be applied to Turkey, who has long misgoverned alien races such as the Armenians and Arabs, Trotsky declared himself in favour of creating independent States, or a confederation of States. He approved of the settlement of Jews in Palestine, but objected to appropriations of territory there by foreign Powers. He refrained from replying when I observed that the British occupation of Baghdad had been necessary to prevent its seizure by another Power. He opposed the idea of a protectorate. He showed me a telegram stating that some of the Mongolian tribes had asked for the protection of the new Russian “Government”, and said that he considered it a humiliation for any nation to ask protection of another, but that he was ready to accord support. On the delicate question of the repatriation of Russians interned in England, Trotsky said that the People’s Commissioners, considering the attitude of the British Government not convenable in refraining from meeting the request, decided to refuse permission for British subjects to leave Russia.
When I was taking my leave, Trotsky took occasion to express his profound admiration for the British nation, its love of liberty and illustrious history, and, above all, its literature.
Trotsky, who is still a young man, was born in Southern Russia, and educated at Odessa University. In 1901 he was exiled to Siberia for political agitation. In the following year he escaped and took up his residence at Geneva, where he renewed his political activity. During the revolutionary period in 1904 he returned to Russia and was elected to the Workmen’s Committee. Eventually he became President of the Moderate Revolutionary Party. By degrees he associated himself with the extremists under Lenin, and organized with him the movement of July 3 in Petrograd. He was arrested, but subsequently released. He played a leading part in the last revolution, was elected President of the Soviet, and subsequently became People’s Commissioner for Foreign Affairs.
Trotsky, who is still a young man, was born in Southern Russia, and educated at Odessa University. In 1901 he was exiled to Siberia for political agitation. In the following year he escaped and took up his residence at Geneva, where he renewed his political activity. During the revolutionary period in 1904 he returned to Russia and was elected to the Workmen’s Committee. Eventually he became President of the Moderate Revolutionary Party. By degrees he associated himself with the extremists under Lenin, and organized with him the movement of July 3 in Petrograd. He was arrested, but subsequently released. He played a leading part in the last revolution, was elected President of the Soviet, and subsequently became People’s Commissioner for Foreign Affairs.
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