A STREET DEMONSTRATION
RESTORING ORDER IN THE STREETS
THE IMPERIAL RUSSIAN FAMILY AND BODY-GUARD: A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN IMMEDIATELY BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 1. The Tsar. 2. The Cesarevitch. 3. Grand Duchess Olga. 4. Grand Duchess Tatiana. S. Grand Duchess Marie. 6. Grand Duchess Anastasie
A RASPUTIN SEANCE
http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/a-russian-revolution-jn6llb5rn?CMP=TNLEmail_118918_1571263
A Russian Revolution
By laying down the supreme authority of his own free will, the Tsar has saved his people from civil war and his capital from an outbreak of social anarchy
March 16, 1917
A great Revolution has been accomplished in Russia. After nearly a week of chaos in Petrograd something like a Parliamentary Government controls the situation. The Tsar has abdicated in favour of his infant son, and his brother, the reforming Grand Duke Michael, is expected to act as Regent.
The news will hardly come as a surprise to those acquainted with the internal situation in the Allied Empire as it has recently developed, and who have observed the ominous suspension of telegrams from Russia within the last few days. It has become clear for some time past that the strained relations between the Duma and the Court could not last, and that, when the crisis came, the Duma would have the nation and the Army with it. The great danger was that the Tsar might fail to realize the position with sufficient promptitude, and that he might either resist the Revolution or defer his decision. He has had enough of wisdom and of unselfish patriotism not to take either of these courses. By laying down the supreme authority of his own free will, he has saved his people, we may trust, from civil war and his capital from an outbreak of social anarchy.
It cannot be pretended that all the perils inseparable from so profound a change have yet passed away; but, so far as the available information shows, the worst moment has been lived through, and there is strong reason to hope that the transition will be completed in an orderly and peaceable manner. This expectation, we note with relief, is strengthened by the manifest eagerness of all parties that Russia should continue to wage the war with even greater vigour than she has displayed hitherto. The leaders, including the Labour leader, M Kerenski, see how fatal to this object civil dissensions of a serious character would be. They have worked hard to maintain unity, and they appear to have succeeded in a very remarkable degree. To the Tsar, in particular, the highest credit is due. Had he chosen to resist the demands of the Duma there were, doubtless, plenty of troops ready to support him. But he knew what such a choice would have meant for Russia and for the great European cause which he has served so well, and he has shrunk from the dread responsibility of making it.
The story of what has taken place is clearly still imperfect as it reaches us. Our Correspondent’s first dispatch begins with a reference to the “events of Friday,” but no account of these events has been transmitted to us. A probable explanation is that the old Government suppressed his messages, whereas the Provisional Government have facilitated the dispatch of his later accounts. These cover the period from Sunday until midnight on Wednesday, when the decision of the Tsar, on which everything was felt to hang, still remained unknown. The Revolution appears to have begun by a military insurrection supported by the workmen, but the Duma rapidly and firmly gathered power into its own hands. On Sunday the Council of Ministers resigned, and on Monday the Duma appointed a Provisional Government under the title of “The Executive Committee of the Imperial Duma”. The twelve members were taken from all the constitutional parties, from the Conservatives to the Socialists, and included such well-known personages as M Shulgin, the Conservative, M Miliukoff, the Cadet; M Shidlovsky, the leader of the Progressive bloc; M Lvov, the President of the Moscow Zemstvo, and M Chiedze, the Socialist with M Rodzianko, the President of the Imperial Duma. There appears to have been a good deal of bloodshed on- the’ Friday and Sunday, but after the Duma had assumed control the loss of life is said to have been small. By Tuesday evening the whole garrison had gone over to the Provisional Government. The Proclamations which that body issued and the speeches of M Rodzianko and other Parliamentary leaders to the troops are marked by a moderation said a cool common sense which encourage confidence in the new order of things. The first of these documents explained, as did a subsequent message from M GnaTomorr and other members of the Upper House to the Tsar, that the situation had grown impossible, and that the Duma aiai compelled to take in hand the re-establishment of the State and of public order. All good citizens were invited to work to this end, and the troops, including, the famous Preobrajenski Regiment who have taken an active share in other memorable revolutions were exhorted by M Rodzianko to show their patriotism by steady obedience to their officers. It is still too soon for entire confidence in the issue, but the general trend of events and the attitude of the Army and of the more important elements of the population justify the Allies of Russia in optimism. They may well hope that she will emerge from the ordeal she has undergone strong with the new strength of a united people, who are led by a constitutional Government of their own choosing under the auspices of their historic dynasty.
http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-tsars-final-ordeal-pd5sdb8b7?CMP=TNLEmail_118918_1571263
The news will hardly come as a surprise to those acquainted with the internal situation in the Allied Empire as it has recently developed, and who have observed the ominous suspension of telegrams from Russia within the last few days. It has become clear for some time past that the strained relations between the Duma and the Court could not last, and that, when the crisis came, the Duma would have the nation and the Army with it. The great danger was that the Tsar might fail to realize the position with sufficient promptitude, and that he might either resist the Revolution or defer his decision. He has had enough of wisdom and of unselfish patriotism not to take either of these courses. By laying down the supreme authority of his own free will, he has saved his people, we may trust, from civil war and his capital from an outbreak of social anarchy.
It cannot be pretended that all the perils inseparable from so profound a change have yet passed away; but, so far as the available information shows, the worst moment has been lived through, and there is strong reason to hope that the transition will be completed in an orderly and peaceable manner. This expectation, we note with relief, is strengthened by the manifest eagerness of all parties that Russia should continue to wage the war with even greater vigour than she has displayed hitherto. The leaders, including the Labour leader, M Kerenski, see how fatal to this object civil dissensions of a serious character would be. They have worked hard to maintain unity, and they appear to have succeeded in a very remarkable degree. To the Tsar, in particular, the highest credit is due. Had he chosen to resist the demands of the Duma there were, doubtless, plenty of troops ready to support him. But he knew what such a choice would have meant for Russia and for the great European cause which he has served so well, and he has shrunk from the dread responsibility of making it.
The story of what has taken place is clearly still imperfect as it reaches us. Our Correspondent’s first dispatch begins with a reference to the “events of Friday,” but no account of these events has been transmitted to us. A probable explanation is that the old Government suppressed his messages, whereas the Provisional Government have facilitated the dispatch of his later accounts. These cover the period from Sunday until midnight on Wednesday, when the decision of the Tsar, on which everything was felt to hang, still remained unknown. The Revolution appears to have begun by a military insurrection supported by the workmen, but the Duma rapidly and firmly gathered power into its own hands. On Sunday the Council of Ministers resigned, and on Monday the Duma appointed a Provisional Government under the title of “The Executive Committee of the Imperial Duma”. The twelve members were taken from all the constitutional parties, from the Conservatives to the Socialists, and included such well-known personages as M Shulgin, the Conservative, M Miliukoff, the Cadet; M Shidlovsky, the leader of the Progressive bloc; M Lvov, the President of the Moscow Zemstvo, and M Chiedze, the Socialist with M Rodzianko, the President of the Imperial Duma. There appears to have been a good deal of bloodshed on- the’ Friday and Sunday, but after the Duma had assumed control the loss of life is said to have been small. By Tuesday evening the whole garrison had gone over to the Provisional Government. The Proclamations which that body issued and the speeches of M Rodzianko and other Parliamentary leaders to the troops are marked by a moderation said a cool common sense which encourage confidence in the new order of things. The first of these documents explained, as did a subsequent message from M GnaTomorr and other members of the Upper House to the Tsar, that the situation had grown impossible, and that the Duma aiai compelled to take in hand the re-establishment of the State and of public order. All good citizens were invited to work to this end, and the troops, including, the famous Preobrajenski Regiment who have taken an active share in other memorable revolutions were exhorted by M Rodzianko to show their patriotism by steady obedience to their officers. It is still too soon for entire confidence in the issue, but the general trend of events and the attitude of the Army and of the more important elements of the population justify the Allies of Russia in optimism. They may well hope that she will emerge from the ordeal she has undergone strong with the new strength of a united people, who are led by a constitutional Government of their own choosing under the auspices of their historic dynasty.
http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-tsars-final-ordeal-pd5sdb8b7?CMP=TNLEmail_118918_1571263
The Tsar’s final ordeal
“I cannot part with my boy,” replied the Monarch, with emotion. “I shall hand the Throne to my brother.”
March 19, 1917
From our own correspondent, Petrograd. I have been able to obtain a full and authentic version of the events attending the Tsar’s abdication. It appears that Nicholas II on reaching Bologoye Station was advised not to proceed to Petrograd and wisely did not attempt to enter the capital, preferring to go on to Pskoff and there learn his fate. To the members of his suite he said, “The revolutionary wave will probably sweep away the Monarchy.” He was then already prepared for the worst.
Alexander Gutchkoff and the Conservative Deputy Shulgin were commissioned by M Rodzianko to go to General Ruzsky’s headquarters. They arrived there on Thursday. The ill-fated Monarch received them in a small dimly-lit room. He looked pale and careworn, but was perfectly calm and self-possessed. Addressing Gutchkoff he said, “Tell me the whole truth.”
“We come to tell you that all the troops in Petrograd are on our side. It is useless to send more regiments. They will go over as soon as they reach the station.”
“I know it,” replied the Tsar. “The order has already been given to the echelons to return to the front.”
Then, after a slight pause, the Tsar asked, “What do you want me to do?”
“Your Majesty must abdicate in favour of the Heir-Apparent under the Regency of the Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovitch. Such is the will of the new Government, which we are forming under Prince Lvoff.”
“I cannot part with my boy,” replied the Monarch, with emotion. “I shall hand the Throne to my brother.” Then, speaking in a matter-of-fact tone, he said, “Have you a piece of paper?”
Then and there the manifesto was drafted. Count Frederiks, Minister of the Imperial Household (whose brother was arrested in Petrograd), and the Tsar’s Aide-de-Camp assisted their master in his final ordeal. Soon the document lay on the writing table. Before signing it he wrote out orders appointing Prince Lvoff Prime Minister and the Grand Duke Nicholas Generalissimo. Then, bowing his head for a few moments, he dipped his pen, and without a trace of emotion for the last time appended his signature as Tsar of All the Russias to the writ of abdication. The whole scene occupied only a few minutes.
Remorseless fate pursues Nicholas II. Even before his abdication he knew his children were all seriously ill with measles and that his beloved only son was in serious danger of death. Whatever mistakes he may have committed, and they have undoubtedly led to great misfortunes for his country, his private sorrows and sufferings are calculated to soften the stoniest heart. It is rumoured that he has been secretly permitted to visit his wife and children. Certainly every consideration is being shown to his family by the new Government.
http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-russian-forces-at-riga-f0rnfd0pm?CMP=TNLEmail_118918_1571263
Alexander Gutchkoff and the Conservative Deputy Shulgin were commissioned by M Rodzianko to go to General Ruzsky’s headquarters. They arrived there on Thursday. The ill-fated Monarch received them in a small dimly-lit room. He looked pale and careworn, but was perfectly calm and self-possessed. Addressing Gutchkoff he said, “Tell me the whole truth.”
“We come to tell you that all the troops in Petrograd are on our side. It is useless to send more regiments. They will go over as soon as they reach the station.”
“I know it,” replied the Tsar. “The order has already been given to the echelons to return to the front.”
Then, after a slight pause, the Tsar asked, “What do you want me to do?”
“I cannot part with my boy,” replied the Monarch, with emotion. “I shall hand the Throne to my brother.” Then, speaking in a matter-of-fact tone, he said, “Have you a piece of paper?”
Then and there the manifesto was drafted. Count Frederiks, Minister of the Imperial Household (whose brother was arrested in Petrograd), and the Tsar’s Aide-de-Camp assisted their master in his final ordeal. Soon the document lay on the writing table. Before signing it he wrote out orders appointing Prince Lvoff Prime Minister and the Grand Duke Nicholas Generalissimo. Then, bowing his head for a few moments, he dipped his pen, and without a trace of emotion for the last time appended his signature as Tsar of All the Russias to the writ of abdication. The whole scene occupied only a few minutes.
Remorseless fate pursues Nicholas II. Even before his abdication he knew his children were all seriously ill with measles and that his beloved only son was in serious danger of death. Whatever mistakes he may have committed, and they have undoubtedly led to great misfortunes for his country, his private sorrows and sufferings are calculated to soften the stoniest heart. It is rumoured that he has been secretly permitted to visit his wife and children. Certainly every consideration is being shown to his family by the new Government.
http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-russian-forces-at-riga-f0rnfd0pm?CMP=TNLEmail_118918_1571263
The Russian Forces at Riga
The scenes witnessed by me at all the stations on the way to Riga gave abundant testimony to the triumph of patriotism over anarchy
March 27, 1917
Riga, March 25. We arrived here last night. M Gutchkoff, Minister of War, was accompanied by Colonel Polontsoff, who had helped the new Government from the outset. Mme Gutchkoff came to watch over her husband’s health and comfort. The Minister of War and Marine had scarcely slept since the outbreak of the revolution. His well-being is essential to the safety and welfare of the Empire. M Gutchkoff decided to leave Petrograd and his multifarious duties in order to convey the greetings of the new Govemment to the gallant armies in the field, and to explain to the officers and men the difficulties of the situation at home and the danger of invasion by the enemy. At Pskoff we were joined by General Boldyreff, Director of Military Operations on the Northern front. From him we obtained the first authentic information regarding the state of General Ruzsky’s armies. The picture drawn by him is both gratifying and hopeful. The army chiefs took the wind out of the agitators’ sails by promptly assembling the soldiers and the civilian population and informing them that the whole of Russia had spontaneously adhered to the new regime, and that our only task was to unite together against the external foe. The soldiers, officers, and workmen each elected delegates who cooperated in the most hearty manner in safeguarding public order and in maintaining discipline. Simpler democratic relations were established between the officers and men without any loss of military efficiency. The Army was spared the shame of the indignities heaped upon officers in Petrograd and its environs by soldiers who had come under the influence of agitators. The train which brought us to Pskoff carried a mass of incendiary literature, including the issue of Pravda, with its traitorous proclamations and resolutions of the Social Democratic Committee. Unhappily the extremists still wield power over the railways, posts and telegraphs. Our sole means of countering this abominable propaganda lies in a prompt personal appeal to the best instincts of the masses.
ENTHUSIASTIC TROOPS.
The scenes witnessed by me at all the stations on the way to Riga gave abundant testimony to the triumph of patriotism over anarchy. All the garrisons and local inhabitants, including many Letts, who are stanch supporters of Russia against the Germans, turned out to welcome the first representative of the “National Government”. The troops presented a splendid appearance with their regular officers in command. The enthusiasm everywhere was indescribable, and order left nothing to be desired. M Gutchkoff reviewed the guards of honour and addressed the soldiers and officers. He conveyed to them the warmest thanks for their services to the common cause, assured them that their interests were now in the hands of the nation, and appealed to them to unite in defence of their new found liberties. Our enemies [he said] are still strong. Under various disguises they are trying to sow discord among us, while their Armies are gathering to take us unawares in the trenches. But if we are steadfast and loyal to our national cause we are invincible. It was a strange, novel, and inspiring sight - a short, stoutish civilian, dressed in a plain black overcoat and wearing a black astrakhan cap, who saluted the troops in military fashion and to whom Generals, subalterns, privates, and civilians alike rendered honours. When the parade was over, they flocked around him as children around a father. The soldiers cheered and bore him in their arms to his carriage. At one place where the train was not stopping, soldiers barred the way, cheering, until M Gutchkoff appeared and spoke a few words to them. M Gutchloff’s past record is well known throughout the country. He has had an active, personal experience of four wars. As a volunteer with the Boers, he warred in the Transvaal. Ho followed General Radko-Dmitrieff in the Balkans after a long experience in the Russo-Japanese War. Since the outbreak of the present war he has been continuously engaged in directing Red Cross work at the front or presiding over the Munitions Committee in Petrograd; Energetic, capable, and thoroughly conversant with affairs of State, M Gutchkoff enjoys enormous popularity among the people and the Army. During the journey from Pskoff to Riga I heard many narratives connected with recent events, one of which I think worth repeating. The saddest trial for the ex-Emperor and Empress has been the desertion of almost all the few people whom they admitted to their confidence. General Voyeikoff, late Commandant of the Palace and one of the worst of reactionary influences around the Throne, who is now confined in St Peter and St Paul Fortress, on being arrested cynically betrayed his master and accused him of the basest treachery. General Voyeikoff is reputed to have said during the journey of the Imperial train to Bologoe that if it came to the worst they could open the Central front, and let the Germans come in to restore order. On being taxed with this statement, he replied “It was not I, but the Tsar who used those words.”
GUARDS’ LOYAL MARCH. Petrograd, March 26. The Volynsky Guards, who were the first regiment to declare for the revolution, today marched to the Tauris Palace to express their loyalty to the Government and the necessity of prosecuting the war to a victorious end. Their band played the “Marseillaise”, and they bore a number of red flags with such inscriptions as “Do not betray your comrades in the trenches,” “ Make shells,” &c. Attempts by one or two pacifists to obtain a hearing were promptly quashed.
ENTHUSIASTIC TROOPS.
The scenes witnessed by me at all the stations on the way to Riga gave abundant testimony to the triumph of patriotism over anarchy. All the garrisons and local inhabitants, including many Letts, who are stanch supporters of Russia against the Germans, turned out to welcome the first representative of the “National Government”. The troops presented a splendid appearance with their regular officers in command. The enthusiasm everywhere was indescribable, and order left nothing to be desired. M Gutchkoff reviewed the guards of honour and addressed the soldiers and officers. He conveyed to them the warmest thanks for their services to the common cause, assured them that their interests were now in the hands of the nation, and appealed to them to unite in defence of their new found liberties. Our enemies [he said] are still strong. Under various disguises they are trying to sow discord among us, while their Armies are gathering to take us unawares in the trenches. But if we are steadfast and loyal to our national cause we are invincible. It was a strange, novel, and inspiring sight - a short, stoutish civilian, dressed in a plain black overcoat and wearing a black astrakhan cap, who saluted the troops in military fashion and to whom Generals, subalterns, privates, and civilians alike rendered honours. When the parade was over, they flocked around him as children around a father. The soldiers cheered and bore him in their arms to his carriage. At one place where the train was not stopping, soldiers barred the way, cheering, until M Gutchkoff appeared and spoke a few words to them. M Gutchloff’s past record is well known throughout the country. He has had an active, personal experience of four wars. As a volunteer with the Boers, he warred in the Transvaal. Ho followed General Radko-Dmitrieff in the Balkans after a long experience in the Russo-Japanese War. Since the outbreak of the present war he has been continuously engaged in directing Red Cross work at the front or presiding over the Munitions Committee in Petrograd; Energetic, capable, and thoroughly conversant with affairs of State, M Gutchkoff enjoys enormous popularity among the people and the Army. During the journey from Pskoff to Riga I heard many narratives connected with recent events, one of which I think worth repeating. The saddest trial for the ex-Emperor and Empress has been the desertion of almost all the few people whom they admitted to their confidence. General Voyeikoff, late Commandant of the Palace and one of the worst of reactionary influences around the Throne, who is now confined in St Peter and St Paul Fortress, on being arrested cynically betrayed his master and accused him of the basest treachery. General Voyeikoff is reputed to have said during the journey of the Imperial train to Bologoe that if it came to the worst they could open the Central front, and let the Germans come in to restore order. On being taxed with this statement, he replied “It was not I, but the Tsar who used those words.”
GUARDS’ LOYAL MARCH. Petrograd, March 26. The Volynsky Guards, who were the first regiment to declare for the revolution, today marched to the Tauris Palace to express their loyalty to the Government and the necessity of prosecuting the war to a victorious end. Their band played the “Marseillaise”, and they bore a number of red flags with such inscriptions as “Do not betray your comrades in the trenches,” “ Make shells,” &c. Attempts by one or two pacifists to obtain a hearing were promptly quashed.
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