100 Years Ago - War Volunteers

In this week's edition

The Times History of the War plus war reports, letters and comment as selected from The Times Archive

 

War Volunteers

This week's chapter examines the old regiments, early difficulties, the Brassard, "Special units", the Honourable Artillery Company, the London Scottish, the National Reserve and Royal Defence Corps, trench-digging, the four classifications, defaulters, camp life the National Guard, the Volunteer Training Corps, volunteer officers and cadet units, ambulances and hospitals, the Artists' Rifles, station work and motor cyclists, special recognition.

Nothing damped the ardour of the citizen who had enrolled. He paid his subscription, he hired or bought his Martini or dummy, he paid for his uniform, and if he went in for a little camp work or firing practice at a range, he bore his own expenses

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The Volunteers June 1, 1916

Though no one fears the landing of a large force, the vulnerability of Great Britain to attack is the extent of its coast line, and no place can be left quite denuded of troops

https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-volunteers-d62njl0zs?utm_source=newsletter&utm_campaign=newsletter_118&utm_medium=email&utm_content=118_25.04.2018%20Volunteers%20(1)&CMP=TNLEmail_118918_3210017_118 To the Editor of The Times Sir, There is no war organization been through more vicissitudes than the Volunteers, and it can only be the essential soundness of its purpose that has enabled it to survive. There was a time when even drilling was forbidden them, and it was only the persistency of some of us that the Volunteers got leave to train. When the first recognition did come, it was so hedged round with restrictions that many thought the force could not survive. But enthusiasm triumphed: meetings were held, literature circulated, and corps formed in every town and village. Meanwhile, the sympathies of the Lieutenants of Counties were enlisted and a military organization on a territorial basis set up. Thousands of men have found their own equipment, rifles have been bought, drills put in, until at last the very efficiency of the Force has compelled the respect of the military. Job after job has been thrust on them; whenever an emergency has arisen the Volunteers have been called out to fill the gap. General Smith-Dorrien has used them on the railways, the Ministry of Munitions to guard unprotected factories, the Royal Flying Corps to provide landing places, the Ordnance to establish a new store centre, the officer in charge of lines of communications to protect railways when there were large movements of troops, and the Admiralty to patrol the coast; but the men had no status; they had no legal right to act, and were not subject to discipline. Their claim to become part of the armed Forces of the Crown was pressed without avail, and in despair Lord Lincolnshire presented his Bill to the Lords. It was accepted by the Government, went through the Upper House without a division, but because of political exigencies - for which the Volunteers were in no way responsible - did not reach the Commons. That was last November; but, largely through the efforts of Mr Walter Long, the situation was saved by the promise of the Government, early in February, to revive the old Act of 1863. The new order has not been applied with undue haste; I make no complaint, but no one can say the terms are on the side of generosity; but they are a big step forward in that they transform the Volunteer from a civilian into a soldier. The Force, meanwhile, has been depleted by delay and other causes. The men are now called on to attest with very restricted liabilities, and they are only bound to come out - for the purpose of repelling an enemy in the event of an invasion being imminent.” Other services can be accepted if they volunteer for them. But before they undertake to put themselves in the hands of the military they wish to be sure their services are really required; they want a call for sacrifice, and with that call not only will they roll up in their thousands, but bring their neighbours with them. I was present last night when Lord Kitchener made his speech. I did not read in it the want of sympathy that some of the Press has seen in it. He made clear there was work for them to do, but seemed possessed with the fear that too generous recognition of their services would lead to undue clamour for money and equipment at the expense nf more urgent claims. The Volunteers are reasonable people; they will take what they can get, but they want to know that they are really wanted and their sacrifices are not in vain. The concluding paragraph of the speech of the Secretary of State for War did make it clear that they were of use, but 18 months’ association with politicians has made him over-cautious in his language, and, though an impression has been conveyed that there is no great enthusiasm for their services, I am sure there was no intention to convey that idea. I can assure Volunteers that Lord French and the General Headquarters have allocated duties to Volunteers that on a rota system would give employment to double their numbers. If they do not enrol, Regular troops will have to be retained that otherwise would be free to go to the front. The need for economy in our resources of men and money is being ardently pressed on the nation by Ministers on every occasion. The Volunteers without being withdrawn from their trade or occupation and without being a charge on the State, are able to perform military duties which, if they did not exist, would require the calling up of more men. Though no one fears the landing of a large force, the vulnerability of Great Britain to attack is the extent of its coast line, and no place can be left quite denuded of troops. To complete the chain of defence would require a very large force, but the existence in each town of Volunteer Corps ready to be called out at a moment’s notice is not only an additional security in war time, but makes it possible to concentrate the Regular Forces for home defence and work on much smaller numbers. Many of them have rifles, but I am satisfied that sufficient arms will be forthcoming to enable the Volunteers to maintain adequate guards and patrols where required. On Saturday, June 17, Lord French is to inspect the County of London Volunteers, and the turn-out of the men will show the nation that they have in the Volunteers a reserve of strength that increases the potential fighting value of the Regular Forces. Yours, &c. PERCY A. HARRIS, Central Association Volunteer Training Corps, Judges’ Quadrangle, Royal Courts of Justice, WC, May 31.

 

The King's Volunteers November 20, 1916

The public now realizes the debt it owes to men, no longer in the fighting springtime of life, who have been fitting themselves for the first duty of a citizen, the defence of his native land https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-kings-volunteers-fzb5qm6f2?utm_source=newsletter&utm_campaign=newsletter_118&utm_medium=email&utm_content=118_25.04.2018%20Volunteers%20(1)&CMP=TNLEmail_118918_3210017_118

Read the full story “The King appreciates his Volunteers as much as any other portion of his Forces.” In this gracious message, which Lord French conveyed to the Volunteers of Northampton and Nottingham, whom he inspected yesterday, His Majesty once again gives a lead to his people. The Volunteers deserve well of the country, and the responsibility which rests upon them increases with the departure of every soldier who leaves these shores. They have offered their services without spur or threat of compulsion, and have followed the path of duty in spite of other claims, national and domestic, on their time and energy. The public now realizes the debt it owes to men, no longer in the fighting springtime of life, who have been fitting themselves, with little official encouragement, for the first duty of a citizen, the defence of his native land. From Lord French’s recent speeches it is evident that the time has come for further official recognition of their value. The Government must equip the Volunteers, not necessarily with rifles, but with such weapons as the experience of war has shown to be most useful in defence. “Invasion,” said Lord French last month, “is no impossibility”. In this matter no nation dare reckon on the certainty of the improbable. A fresh burden of duty is thus laid on the shoulders of the Volunteers. They must “sign on” for the period of the war, and in return the Government “will be able to do a great deal towards placing them in an efficient condition”. The Volunteers have served us well in the past, and now that they have the fresh assurance that their King and country need them, we are confident that they will not be found wanting.

 

National Civilian Service  January 29, 1917

We are not satisfied that the enrolment of women need wait until after the prolonged period which will be necessary to deal with the more pressing problem of manpower. Surely the two processes might to some extent be conducted side by side? https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/national-civilian-service-2l5sv2cdl?utm_source=newsletter&utm_campaign=newsletter_118&utm_medium=email&utm_content=118_25.04.2018%20Volunteers%20(1)&CMP=TNLEmail_118918_3210017_118 Mr Neville Chamberlain’s scheme of National Civilian Service has met with a somewhat cool reception, but it ought to be remembered that full details are not yet before the public. Any criticism of the proposals of the Director General of National Service must therefore be regarded as tentative. There is fairly general agreement, among most people who have studied the question, that we can only solve the labour difficulties which lie before us by a widespread extension of the principle of National Service among the civil population, male and female alike. The problem with which the Government have to deal is that of diverting as many people as possible into work necessary for the prosecution of the war and for the feeding of the nation. They have to curtail employment upon tasks which have no relation to the one paramount object of victory on land and sea. Such differences of opinion as exist relate to method, and not to the broad purpose in view. Mr Chamberlain’s scheme is at present essentially voluntary in character, though he has warned us that compulsion may become necessary if a sufficient response is not received. He proposes to begin by calling for male volunteers between the ages of 18 and 60, and it has been suggested that a million men may be required. These men are to replace men required for the Army who are at present engaged in munition works, coal mines, shipbuilding, transport work, and agriculture. We are not clear how far Mr Chamberlain’s plans replace the earlier “substitution scheme” which has been at work for some time, but no doubt precautions have been taken to prevent unnecessary overlapping. National Civilian Service will in no circumstance be regarded as a substitute for military service; and, though men liable to be called up for the Army may meanwhile place themselves at the disposal of the Director General, they must go to the Army when ordered to do so by the military authorities. Recruiting movements for National Civilian Service are to be started all over the country, and enrolment will be by letter-card, to avoid confusion and delay. It is understood that where possible volunteers will be employed in their own districts, but they must go wherever they are sent. They will be paid the standard rates for the tasks assigned to them, and a subsistence allowance of 17s 6d a week will be added when men are called away from their own districts. Already doubts are being expressed about the possibility of launching so great a scheme upon a voluntary basis, and it is contended that the numbers required can only be obtained by some form of compulsion. In support of this contention, the statement has been made in various quarters that Germany’s recent levee en masse is compulsory; but this is a misapprehension. The new German Auxiliary Service Law includes the power of compulsion, but it is not at present being exercised. The compulsory power relates to men only, and not to women. So far Germany has only called for volunteers for civil labour within her own borders and in the occupied territories, very much as Mr Chamberlain is doing. She is keeping her power of compulsion in reserve. The essential difference between Mr Chamberlain’s scheme and the German scheme is that in Germany the problem of manpower is regarded as exclusively a military problem, and the working of the Auxiliary Service Law is left in the hands of the military authorities. It is being administered by the War Bureau of the Prussian Ministry of War, aided by expert civilian advisers, both men and women. Our own view, subject to such further information on the question as may be disclosed by the government, is that the decision to place the scheme of National Civilian Servico in civil control, but in constant consultation with the War Office, is best suited for this country. We are working with improvised military machinery, and must not overstrain it. At the same time, it is a question for consideration whether Mr Chamberlain’s scheme should not include compulsory powers from the outset. He says they may be required, so why not provide them in order to avoid possible delay? The fear in the minds of many people is that we may waste a year, as we did in 1915 in the case of recruits for the Army, in appeals for volunteers which will not give the numbers needed. At this stage of the war conditions may arise which may make it imperative not to lose a week. We have emerged from the leisurely phase of warfare, and are at death-grips with the enemy. The question of the maintenance of our food supplies, by building more ships and by enlarging the area under crops, has become grave and urgent. The Government are undoubtedly right to begin by calling for volunteers, but they ought also to be considering the only alternative on more definite lines than are furnished by hints in speeches. Mr Chamberlain’s attitude towards the question of the enrolment of women for National Civilian Service is already being subjected to criticism, some of which is premature and exaggerated. It was perhaps unfortunate that in the published statements on the point it was announced that there was not to be a simultaneous appeal to men and women, that only men would be appealed to at present, and that women will be called or later if required. They will certainly be required in very great numbers without delay, and we shall not be surprised if in the end these proposals turn out to depend even more on women than on men for their successful fulfilment. Yet we must appreciate Mr Chamberlain’s point of view, which is supported by admissible reasons. In a later statement he has pointed out that our primary need is more men for the Army, and apparently he considers that the bulk of these men must be replaced by men. His Department, he says, has been in existence only for a month, and its machinery is still imperfect. He cannot do everything at once, and therefore he resolved to concentrate first upon the recruiting of male volunteers. Had these points been explained at the outset, the various women’s organizations, which are all eager to help, would not have been needlessly irritated by a seeming slight. In any case we are not satisfied that the enrolment of women need wait until after the prolonged period which will be necessary to deal with the more pressing problem of manpower. Surely the two processes might to some extent be conducted side by side? If that is not possible, then committees of able women might be formed to make preliminary arrangements for the enrolment of their own sex, and to ascertain both the requirements of the country for female labour and the extent to which they can be met. We trust that Mr Chamberlain’s gigantic scheme will produce great numbers of volunteers of both sexes, but it is too early yet to express any very emphatic opinion regarding its prospects.