Showing posts with label Франція. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Франція. Show all posts

Thursday, 25 October 2018

Agincourt - 3

https://chestnut-ah.livejournal.com/976009.html

Wallace Collection влаштувала невеличку виставку з нагоди 600-ліття перемоги під Азенкуром. Зовсім-зовсім невелику - але ж три зали зброї нікуди не ділися, і можна "добрати" в них (Нарешті побачив сагайдак до куші, із болтами, кінець 15 ст., який чомусь не виставлено у сталій експозиції)




Agincourt - 2


http://nuk-tnl-deck-prod-static.s3-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/projects/a597e50502f5ff68e3e25b9114205d4a.html Battle of Agincourt, 1415, from the 'St. Alban's Chronicle' (vellum) Battle of Agincourt, 1415, from the 'St. Alban's Chronicle' (vellum)
The battle of Agincourt (Azincourt was and remains the French spelling) was one of the most remarkable events of medieval Europe, a battle whose reputation far outranked its importance. In the long history of Anglo-French rivalry only Hastings, Waterloo, Trafalgar and Crécy share Agincourt’s renown.
Agincourt’s fame could just be an accident, a quirk of history reinforced by Shakespeare’s genius, but the evidence suggests it really was a battle that sent a shock wave through Europe. For years afterwards the French called 25 October 1415 la malheureuse journée (the unfortunate day). It had been a disaster.
Yet it was so nearly a disaster for Henry V and his small, but well-equipped army. That army had sailed from Southampton Water with high hopes, the chief of which was the swift capture of Harfleur, which would be followed by a foray into the French heartland in hope, presumably, of bringing the French to battle. A victory in that battle would demonstrate, at least in the pious Henry’s mind, God’s support of his claim to the French throne, and might even propel him onto that throne. Such hopes were not vain when his army was intact, but the siege of Harfleur took much longer than expected and Henry’s army was almost ruined by dysentery.

Agincourt - 1


Extract from Campaign 9: Agincourt 1415 by Matthew Bennett
Once in position the archers began to shoot at the enemy. Just imagine for a moment that you are an archer in the English army. You are famished, cold and wet and suffering from diarrhoea or worse from the effects of your diet of unclean water and nuts and berries. You expect to die in the forthcoming battle. For the men-at-arms there will be ransoms and often cosy  captivity at the hands of men of their own class, related by birth or known to them personally. As a despised and feared footman, all you can expect is to be slaughtered by men so well-armoured as to be almost invulnerable or, if captured, to be mutilated so that you may not ply your craft again. The King has just reminded you that you can expect to lose three fingers from your right hand. However rousing his speech, you are most fortified by despair. At first it seems impossible that the French can be beaten. Then as you advance it becomes apparent that they have been careless – that they do not know what they are doing!

English Crossbowmen, Archers and Infantrymen Illustration taken from Men-at-Arms 85: Armies of Agincourt by Christopher Rothero

Wednesday, 10 October 2018

This Week in History - The Battle of Hastings (9-17 Oct 1066)

https://ospreypublishing.com/thisweekhistory/






















Click on Essential Norman Conquest for a day-by-day reconstruction of the days between William’s landing at Pevensey on 28 September and his victory at Hastings. This website includes animated maps, 360 degree panoramas of the battlescene, 3D Norman and Saxon soldiers and 11th century soundbites.

Further reading

Essential Histories 12: Campaigns of the Norman Conquest (extract below) places the battle in its full historical context.

Campaign 13: Hastings 1066 (Revised Edition)  describes the campaign and battle in greater detail.

Warrior 1: Norman Knight AD 950–1204 explores the recruitment, training and lifestyle of the invaders.

Men-at-Arms 85: Saxon, Viking and Norman examines the equipment and lifestyle of the defenders.

Elite 9: The Normans expands on the crucial and formative effect that the Normans had on Britain and Europe.

Tuesday, 25 September 2018

This Week in History - Nicopolis (22-28 September 1396

The battle of Nicopolis was the end of the crusades, but also the first encounter between the Ottoman Turks and the soldiers of western Europe. During the second half of the 14th century, the rapid spread of Ottoman Turkish conquests, and particularly the Ottoman threat to Hungary, was causing great consternation in western Europe. Further provocation was provided by the siege of Constantinople, the last remnant of the Byzantine Empire, in 1391 by Sultan Bãyazîd I 'The Lightning'. Pope Boniface IX preached a crusade and soon an army of English, French, Germans, Italians and Knights Hospitallers under the leadership of John of Nevers, son of Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy marched east towards Constantinople, joining a Hungarian army under King Sigismund of Hungary on the way. They advanced deep into new Turkish territory, but were halted at the town of Nicopolis, which resisted the Crusader siege for over two weeks.

Sultan Bãyazîd decided to march to the town's rescue. He chose a defensive position straddling the road to the city with his flanks protected by ravines. Sigismund advised a cautious approach, but the western crusaders would have none of that. Instead, they charged straight at the Ottomans.
After a fierce battle, the Ottomans were victorious. It was a devastating loss for the Crusaders, particularly as Bãyazîd, enraged by his heavy losses, slaughtered most of his prisoners the next day.



Friday, 14 September 2018

This week in history - The Battle of the Alma (15-22 September 1854) - 2

У кігтях двоглавих орлів

https://www.bookclub.ua/catalog/e-books/e-books-facts/product.html?id=39732

Битва на Альмі

Висадження франко-британо-турецького десанту біля Євпаторії стало повною несподіванкою для росіян. Російськими військами командував недавній імператорський посланець до Стамбула князь Меншиков, чиї дії багато в чому посприяли розв’язуванню війни.

Він не виявився успішнішим у ролі полководця, ніж у ролі дипломата. Щоб заступити союзникам шлях на Севастополь, він вибрав для своєї 36-тисячної армії сильну оборонну позицію на пагорбах на правому (південному) березі невеликої річки Альма, біля її гирла. Російські позиції прикривали 96 гармат, у тому числі розміщених у двох польових укріпленнях. Меншиков вважав, що урвища біля моря, на його лівому фланзі, не дадуть союзникам можливості атакувати в цьому місці, то ж там він залишив тільки невелике прикриття. Крім того, він побоювався, що війська, розміщені біля моря, можуть бути обстріляні великим союзним флотом.

Російській армії протистояли 56 тисяч французів, британців і турків із 122 гарматами — менше на кілька тисяч від числа, висадженого в Євпаторії, бо частина вже заслабла від холери, у тому числі й маршал Сент-Арно. Праворуч, біля моря, стали французи, ліворуч — британці, за ними — турки. Через обмаль кавалерії не було можливості обійти російське військо з лівого крила союзників. Сент-Арно і Раґлан вирішили, що французи почнуть атаку першими проти, як вони думали, головних російських сил (виявилося, що є стежка, якою можна провести солдатів на «неприступні» урвища,), а за ними на своєму крилі атакують британці.

Thursday, 13 September 2018

this week in history - The Battle of the Alma (15-22 September 1854)



Francuska artyleria podczas bitwy nad Almą, rycina z epoki



The British, French and Turkish forces landed on the Crimean Peninsula over four days between 14 and 18 September. The next day, they started their march south to Sevastopol, following a route which would take them across four separate rivers. The first day, they avoided an ambush at Bulganek river, and the next they recommenced their march to the river Alma. The commander of the expedition, Lord Raglan, knew from naval sources that Russian forces had been amassing south of the river, and approached carefully, but a battle was inevitable. After fierce fighting, the allies were victorious against the Russians, but this outcome was not inevitable, and a Russian victory could have meant a premature end to the entire Crimean campaign. As it was, the allies could continue south to Sevastopol, where the siege of the port started on 27 September. Just over a month later, the infamous Charge of the Light Brigade rode towards the Russian guns at Balaclava.

Further Reading

Essential Histories 2: The Crimean War 1854-6 gives a complete account of the war, its context and consequences. Campaign 6: Balaclava 1854 The Charge of the Light Brigade and Campaign 51: Inkerman 1854 The Soldiers' Battle detail two of the later battles of the Crimean War. To learn about the armies involved in the war, turn to Men-at-Arms 241: The Russian Army of the Crimean War 1854-56 and Men-at-Arms 196: The British Army on Campaign (2) The Crimea 1854-56. Elite 71: Queen Victoria's Commanders gives accounts of the careers and personalities of some of the commanders leading the British troops in the Crimea.

Monday, 23 July 2018

This Week in History - Louisbourg Siege (24-30 July)

https://ospreypublishing.com/thisweekhistory/

An extract from Essential Histories 44: The French-Indian War 1754-1760

The siege of Louisbourg




Brytyjczycy atakują Fort Fontenac nad jeziorem Ontario w 1758 r.


Brytyjska flaga, która zawisła nad zdobytym Louisbourgiem w 1745 r.


Brytyjczycy oblegają francuską twierdzę Louisbourg, rycina, XVIII w.


Brytyjczycy świętują zwycięstwo pod Carillon w 1758 r., mal. Henry Alexander Ogden, XX w.


The major engagement in the Canadian theater took place on Cape Breton Island, home of the French fort at Louisbourg. This structure was the strongest fortress in North America, for either side, with defenses stretching for a mile and a half on its landward perimeter. Some of the masonry was in a poor condition owing to the weather conditions of the area, which would prove beneficial to the British artillery. Defensive lines had been dug along the beaches to the south and west of the fortress, and four bastions stood within the fort itself. The governor of Cape Breton Island, Chevalier de Drucour, was in overall command of the French forces at Louisbourg. There were four battalions of regulars, 24 companies of marines, and some militia. Contemporary accounts estimate that there were 3,500 men stationed in and around the fortress. There were 219 cannons on the fortress walls and other defensive positions, as well as 19 mortars. The garrison was prepared for a long siege. A French fleet had arrived over the course of the spring to re-supply the fortress. Five ships of the line and seven frigates patrolled the harbor. 

The British forces were gathered at Halifax, Nova Scotia. The Royal Navy had provided 23 ships of the line, 18 frigates and a fleet of transports, under the command of Admiral Edward Boscawen. Major General Jeffrey Amherst, was to lead the land effort. Once again, as in 1757, the expedition was made up mostly of regulars. There were 14 regular battalions earmarked for the operation, comprising just over 12,000 men with an additional 500 ‘Gorham’s Rangers’ from Halifax and Royal Artillery attached. The fleet sailed on 28 May, and arrived off the Cape Breton coast on 2 June.

There were three possible landing sites. The first was Freshwater Cove, 6 km (four miles) from the fort. Flat Point and White Point were to the east of Freshwater, closer to the fort. Royal Navy and senior army officers sailed up and down the potential landing areas to assess the best approach, then devised their plans. The army was to be divided into three divisions: Brigadier James Wolfe was to lead the main assault against Freshwater Cove, with Brigadiers Charles Lawrence and Edward Whitmore advancing towards Flat and White Points. 

The fleet and army were delayed from landing for more than six days, as fog and surf denied access to the beaches. The French defenses were strongest at Freshwater Cove, where their entrenchment was ready to receive the enemy. Over 1,000 French soldiers had been deployed to throw the British back into the sea and were, as a British officer noted: 
      most advantageously posted behind good entrenchment, the banks very high and almost perpendicular … [W]herever there was the least probability of getting ashore it was well secured with cannon and entrenchment.


Finally, on 8 June, the troops received the order to land. A British observer described ‘nothing seen or heard for one hour but the thundering of Cannon and flashes of lightening’. Wolfe’s division was to see most of the heavy fighting for the day. The surf continued to be a problem – ‘the surge was extremely violent … [Boats] crushed to pieces being carried away by the surf’.

The first waves of British troops approached the beaches. An officer who landed with Wolfe’s division noted: 
      the boats proceeded to the cove, the enemy let them come within half musket shot and gave them a warm reception from their entrenchment, with great guns and small arms.


As Wolfe’s division made a foothold at Freshwater Cove, Lawrence’s division also landed after making a diversion. The French were overwhelmed by the numbers of British troops landing, and began to fear that they were in danger of being cut off from the fort. A British officer recorded the attack: 
      the enemy’s attention being quite engaged at the other cove did not perceive our men climbing rocks till a few of them got to the top who bravely maintained their guard well supported though opposed by numbers they gained the enemy’s flank who feared being cut off from the garrison fled in great disorder.


Each side lost about 100 men during the fight for the beaches.

Flat Point Cove became the landing place for the British artillery and stores, once the area had been secured by the troops moving from Freshwater, and a camp was built to receive troops and materiel coming ashore. General Amherst decided that the best way to deal with the fort was to surround it with batteries and slowly pummel it into submission. A formal European-style siege was planned; unlike Abercromby, Amherst decided against a frontal infantry attack.

On 12 June, Brigadier Wolfe and 2,000 men set out to seize Lighthouse battery, to the north of the fort. The British had received reports that the French had destroyed Lighthouse and Great Battery, two of the major batteries outside Louisbourg’s walls. A French officer stated the reason for abandoning the batteries: ‘the impossibility of maintaining this post obliged us to abandon it; for it was more than we could do to guard the batteries and ramparts of the city’. Wolfe’s forces reached the abandoned lighthouse battery on 20 June. They took possession and immediately opened fire on French shipping in the harbor and other French positions close by. The Island battery, opposite Louisbourg, was silenced on 25 June when the combined artillery fire from the Lighthouse and Royal Navy ships finally destroyed the will of the defenders. On 29 June, the French sank six ships in the entrance to the harbor to deny access to the Royal Navy. Louisbourg was now completely surrounded and closed off to the outside world. The formal siege had begun. The British deployed infantry to various redoubts, set up siege batteries, and began to dig siege trenches towards the fortress.

The outcome of the siege was decided by the ability of the engineers and artillery men on both sides. The French did not sit idly in the fortress under the onslaught of British artillery. One French officer described a typical series of actions: 
      1st of July a detachment of our people sallied out of the wood … [T]here was a very brisk skirmish, but at length our men were forced to retire … we made a sally on the 8th … [W]e surprised them … but what could 900 men do against the vanguard of the enemy who immediately flew to assistance of the sappers.


The siege was dangerous as well for the British soldiers out in the redoubts and trenches. A British officer described what befell an overly curious fellow officer: ’[a] cannon ball which cut his head off as he looked over the breastwork out of curiosity not duty’. 

By late July, the French defenders were beginning to suffer the effects of the siege in earnest. The British siege lines were continuing to close in, and a French 63-gun ship of the line had been destroyed in the harbor. A French officer described the conditions of the French batteries: 
      as our batteries and ramparts had been very much damaged these three days, and as the fire of the enemy’s small arms made it almost impracticable for us to maintain ourselves on those ramparts which we were endeavouring to repair … a breach had been [made] in the Dauphin Bastion and West Gate.


He continued ’in so melancholy a situation, there was nothing left but to capitulate; so that we suspended our fire, and sent to demand a truce, in order to regulate the articles of surrender’. The French garrison surrendered on 26 July.

The British had lost 500 killed and 1,000 wounded during the landings and the siege. The French losses are estimated at 1,000 killed and 2,000 wounded. More than 5,000 soldiers, sailors, and civilians surrendered to the British forces. The siege had taken most of the 1758 campaign season, however, and the advance towards Quebec City would have to wait until the following year. A large garrison was left at Louisbourg to rebuild the works and defend the area against potential French counter attacks. The remainder of the troops were transported to Halifax and New York for winter quarters. 

The campaigns of 1758 had definitively shifted the momentum of the war in Great Britain’s favor. New France was now completely on the defensive. While Abercromby had been stopped at Fort Carillon, it was only a matter of time before the British attacked it again with a different operational plan.



An extract from Campaign 79: Louisbourg 1758 – Wolfe’s First Siege

The final week

21 July At 2 pm the British gunners firing at the French ships had a great stroke of luck. One of their mortar shells squarely hit the poop deck of L’Entreprenant, setting fire to the ship. It was impossible to put out, and the flames spread to Le Célèbre and Le Capricieux. L’Entreprenant blew up and the two other ships were almost totally consumed by 7 pm. 

It was a heavy loss for the French, and Wolfe’s batteries could now fire almost unhindered by the warships. Bombardment of the Dauphin Bastion was accordingly very heavy, and embrasures were badly damaged. Drucour noted that its cavalier was so weakened that it could crumble at any time. 

22 July Two new British batteries south of town consisting of 13 24-pdr. cannons and seven mortar went into action and fired “with great success” on the Queen’s Bastion according to Amherst, who also noted that the French gunners “likewise fired very well on them and threw their shells extremely well.” There followed a curious incident as a French “shot went just into the muzzle of a [British] 24-pdr. and stuck there as if it had been forged to be rammed in.” A British battery of four 24-pdr. guns was started on the left side of the King’s Bastion. All these British bombardments finally set on fire the large building housing the barracks, the chapel and the governor’s quarters which the British called the citadel. There were also fires in the town, so part of the garrison was occupied with fire-fighting. Many French guns in batteries all over the town were knocked out of action. 

23 July On the British left, a second parallel was started, which crept ever closer to the Dauphin Bastion, while a small redoubt was begun on the right. Again, the British gunnery was very effective, starting many fires in the town. Col. Bastide, the chief engineer who had been wounded on the 8th, was now well enough to mount a horse and resume his duties. Some 400 sailors finished the battery to the left of the King’s Bastion. At 10 pm, the wooden barracks originally built by the British and New Englanders in 1745–46 went up in flames “which we had not have better done” reflected Amherst, no doubt already wondering how he would lodge his troops once the town surrendered. 

24 July After inspecting the Dauphin Bastion at dawn, Drucour concluded that it would “soon be out of use,” and that the French batteries were generally “in a sad state.” The British continued to pour a heavy fire into the town and “silenced the guns” in the Queen’s Bastion. The British battery on the right side of the King’s Bastion was completed and opened fire in the afternoon. Admiral Boscawen sent ashore another 400 sailors to carry ammunition and supplies. Another battery containing five guns was started next to the four-gun battery at the left of the King’s Bastion. The admiral also sent ashore another 200 miners who, joined to the 100 already with the army, made a corps of 300; half of them worked on the trenches. The French maintained a heavy fire against them, but the British were now so close that they could fire muskets “into the Embrazures [and] beat them off their guns” (Amherst).

25 July The British batteries again “played with great success” on their various targets. The fortifications were crumbling faster than they could be repaired. Col. Franquet reported a breach in the Dauphin Bastion. William Amherst, who was in the British trenches, reported that a trench had advanced to within 50 meters of the glacis of the Dauphin Bastion. Scaling ladders were sent to the trenches in preparation for an assault.

By now, the town offered a pitiful sight. Many of its buildings were burned and others partly demolished by the intense bombardments of the last few weeks. There was hardly a structure which did not have pieces of shells or cannonballs embedded in its walls. The town’s population was shell-shocked, having been traumatized by the intense bombardments and huddled in casemates every day and night for weeks on end. 

26 July Admiral Boscawen advised Amherst that he had selected captains John Laforey and George Balfour to lead 600 sailors and marines into the harbor in longboats during the night to attack the two remaining French warships. Amherst went to the trenches and, after midnight, “began to despair of the boats coming.” They finally arrived at about 1.30 am under the cover of a fog. The 74-gun Prudent was attacked first by British sailors “armed with cutlass, pistol & hatchet” (William Amherst). According to Drucour, one of its officers had ordered the head gunner to set it on fire should the ship be in danger of being taken, but he was not sure if it was him or the British sailors that had set the ship alight when it ran aground. Le Prudent was certainly doomed to go up in flames and it soon did. British sailors and marines also boarded and captured the 64-gun Bienfaisant and quickly towed it to the other end of the harbor. Boscawen was elated and now planned to force the harbor’s entrance with six of his warships.

By the time the sun rose, the day had already been disastrous for the garrison of Louisbourg. The capture of the ships was the coup de grâce for the defenders’ morale. The bombardments had caused a breach in the Dauphin Bastion and another would soon be apparent in the King’s Bastion. Of the 52 cannons opposed to the British batteries, 40 had been knocked out of action. Drucour bowed to the inevitable and sent a message to Amherst proposing terms for a capitulation.




Further reading

Essential Histories 44: The French-Indian War 1754–1760details the six years of fighting between the French and the British in the forests and plains, lakes and coastal waters of the North American frontier.

Essential Histories 6: The Seven Years’ Warsets the French-Indian War in its global context.

Campaign 79: Louisbourg 1758 – Wolfe’s First Siegeoffers a full account of the Louisbourg campaign.

Campaign 76: Ticonderoga 1758 – Montcalm’s victory against all odds is an account of the bloody reverse the British suffered at Fort Carillon in the same month as their capture of Louisbourg.

Campaign 121: Quebec 1759 – The battle that won Canada tells how Major-General James Wolfe’s men tumbled the Marquis de Montcalm’s French army into bloody ruin.

Men-at-Arms 48: Wolfe’s Army focuses on the British forces throughout their disastrous and triumphant wilderness campaigns which ultimately ensured the birth of the English-speaking United States of America

Men-at-Arms 313: Louis XV’s Army (5) Colonial and Naval Troops details the uniforms, arms and accoutrements of Louis XV’s colonial and naval troops.

Warrior 19: British Redcoat 1740–93 is a portrait of the effective fighting man who was the backbone of Britain’s military success throughout this period. 

Fortress 27: French Fortresses in North America 1535–1763 provides a detailed examination of the three large fortified cities in Canada during the 18th century including the important naval station of Louisbourg.

Essential Histories Specials 7: Liberty or Death – Wars that forged a nationplaces the siege of Louisbourg in the wider context of America’s struggle for peace and independence.

This Week in History - Salamanca (22 July 1812)

Francuska szabla lekkiej kawaleri AN IX

Francuski karabin Corriege AN IX, wersja dragońska

Bagnet do karabinu Corriege AN IX

Francuski pistolet AN IX
Żelazny książę - Arthur Wellesley, książę Wellington (1769 - 1852)
Campaign 48: Salamanca details all aspects of the Peninsular War’s most decisive battle, including the opposing forces, commanders, aftermath and the battlefield today. It includes the following dramatic account of Wellington’s resistance of the French counterattack:
The repulse of the 4th Division and Pack’s brigade left a yawning gap in the centre of Wellington’s position, and despite the hammering the French had taken elsewhere on the battlefield, Clausel (now in command following successive wounds to Marmont and Bonnet) was presented with the opportunity to salvage something from the wreckage of the day’s fighting, perhaps even a French victory. It was certainly a critical point in the battle. Clausel decided to grasp the opportunity with both hands and go for victory, even though behind him Leith and Pakenham were driving everything before them. Having decided upon this bold course of action Clausel threw his division into the gap, supported by three of Bonnet’s regiments and by three regiments of Boyer’s dragoons.

The ground to the west of the Greater Arapil was soon covered with the dark, dusty masses of Frenchmen launched by Clausel to save the day. In front of them Cole’s division reeled backwards towards the Lesser Arapil, while Pack’s broken brigade streamed away behind them. Ellis’s brigade was pushed back, almost to the Lesser Arapil, while Stubbs’s brigade, alongside it, was forced to form a square in order to protect itself from French dragoons who nevertheless got in among some of them. In fact, some French cavalry swept round and got as far as the 6th Division, Wellington’s reserve line, which had been brought forward to support the 4th Division.

Thursday, 5 July 2018

Second Battle of the Marne, July 1918


Second Battle of the Marne, July 1918
This week's chapter examines the minor operations at the end of June, Americans and Australians, success of the tanks, the strategic situation, Germans attack east and west of Reims, July 15, complete failure in east, Germans cross the Marne, end of German advance, July 17, German comment, July 18, Foch strikes between Soissons and the Marne, great allied success, the German retreat continues, fighting in the air, raids into Germany, operations on other sectors, the turn of the tide
The Germans experienced great difficulty in retiring across the river. The temporary bridges which they constructed were constantly shot away, and the troops on the left bank of the river had nothing but mountain artillery to support them, for the wheeled guns had been unable to cross to help them


 

The new German offensive
July 16, 1918
Mr Bonar Law was able to tell the House of Commons last night that the general effect of the offensive east of Reims was that "the enemy have been very, heavily repulsed, have suffered severe losses, and have received a complete check"
  Contrary to the expectation of some of the prophets, the enemy have delivered the first great blow of their long-expected offensive against the French, and not against the British. They have advanced to the assault on a front of about fifty-five miles east and west of Reims, and their right wing is operating on the line of the Marne. It is not to be supposed that the offensive which began yesterday discloses the whole of the German plans. The enemy are known to be prepared for battle in several other sectors, and when issue has been fully joined on the front first selected we shall probably see further developments elsewhere. But, whatever form it may ultimately assume, this is unquestionably the outset of Germany’s supreme effort during the present campaigning season.
The details so far received are scanty, as is always the case on the first day, and the precise object of the German Higher Command is still a matter for speculation. Their attack is split into two halves by the city of Reims, around which there is a “dead sector” of several miles, perhaps because the defences of Reims remain extremely formidable. Looking at the battle from the French side, the right of the attack extends from the village of Prunay, east of Reims, to the group of low hills known as the Main de Massiges, a few miles west of the Argonne Forest, amid the rolling uplands of Champagne. The left of the attack extends from the village of Fossoy, south of the Marne and east of Chateau-Thierry, to Coulommes, a village some miles to the south-west of Reims. There was also some heavy and apparently isolated fighting with the American troops which hold the village of Vaux, west of Chateau-Thierry.
All the reports concur in declaring that the German operation constituted no surprise. A movement in this area had been confidently expected for some days - indeed, the French are said to have predicted it almost to the hour - and the Allied Higher Command were fully prepared for the enemy’s advance. The attack was preceded by a violent bombardment, which began at midnight and was so intense that it roused the people of Paris. There was also a great deal of shelling of towns far behind the Allied line, including La Ferte-sous-Jouarre, on the Marne, and Montmirail and Chalons. Curiously enough, Reims does not appear to have been shelled at all, nor was there any noticeable bombardment in the “dead sector” on each side of the city.
The enemy advanced to the assault in the chosen areas a little before 4.30am. In the sector east of Reims they made comparatively little progress all day. Our gallant French Allies held up the German infantry along the whole of this portion of the front, and only three points were seriously threatened. The first was at the village of Prunay, which the enemy seem at one time to have captured; it was only half a mile behind the French front line. The second was at Prosnes, where the Germans gained some ground; and the third was on the road from Somme Py to Souain, where the assailants also won a local success. But Mr Bonar Law was able to tell the House of Commons last night that the general effect of the offensive east of Reims was that “the enemy have been very, heavily repulsed, have suffered severe losses, and have received a complete check.” The French leaders express themselves as highly satisfied, and, should the situation remain as described they will have every possible reason for their gratification.
The Germans fared rather better in their operations west of Reims, and if they have Paris in view it is quite possible that their principal strength was concentrated on this side. The battle extended for ten or a dozen miles along the banks of the Marne, from a point near Chateau-Thierry to Verneuil. Thence the battle line swerved north-eastward away from the river to Coulommes, which marked the limit of active hostilities west of Reims. The total length of the line of attack in this region was between twenty and twenty-three miles, and the progress of the Germans seems to have been curiously unequal. Towards Reims they penetrated as far south as the village of Belval, which brought them within seven miles of the town of Epernay, one of the principal centres of the champagne trade. They crossed the Marne at two or three points, and it must be borne in mind that the southern bank of the river is less easy to defend than the northern.
The vine-clad hills in this neighbourhood are mostly on the northern side. From Verneuil the Germans made the passage of the river and reached Comblizy, and farther west they crossed at Dormans and got as far as the village of Chezy. In each instance these advances represent a thrust about three miles in depth. American troops were holding the extreme left of the battle line, at Fossoy and on the banks of the Surmelin, a small tributary of the Marne. Here, again, the Germans crossed the river, but according to the latest available information they did not get very far beyond the southern bank.
The conflict between Germans and Americans west of Fossoy seems to have been distinguished by a brilliant counter-attack, in which the Americans took a thousand prisoners - a splendid omen, which was received with immense enthusiasm when it was announced in the House of Commons. It is understood that no British troops participated in the operations, so far as is known. The intermingling of British and French troops, which was only a temporary expedient due to a special emergency, has ceased.
The British troops in the Marne area have gone north, and the French units which fought so valiantly in the Ypres sector have rejoined the main French forces. One prevalent theory is that the German Higher Command is endeavouring to encircle Reims and to gain control of the spacious wooded heights known as the Montagne de Reims well to the south of the city, by outflanking them. In his dispatch published to-day our Special Correspondent with the French Armies expresses the view that the Montagne de Reims, which he has examined, is so formidably held that the enemy have small prospect of taking it by any device. Until they capture these heights they have little chance of moving with safety towards the open country round Chalons.
Our Correspondent thinks the principal attack is being made west of Reims, and that the object of the enemy is to form a wider front with a view to an advance towards Paris. With this view we are inclined to concur, but we are convinced as ever that General Foch will be able to counter the menace effectively.

Friday, 15 June 2018

The armies of France, 1914-17


The armies of France, 1914-17
This week's chapter examines the main burden of the war by land on the French, five periods of the war, five sectors of the Front, the first four periods, Joffre's offensive policy in the East, the Battle of the Grand Couronne, retreat from the Sambre and Meuse, Battle of the Marne, the Aisne, the race to the sea, trench warfare, the French soldier, Verdun, the Somme, the German retreat, the Aisne offensive, the Chemin-des-Dames, Malmaison, Morthomme
Day after day all through the summer French and Germans went on attacking and counter-attacking on the hills of the Moronvillers massif and the hogbacked ridge along which runs the Chemin des Dames, till the whole of their surface soil and the green things that had grown there were shelIed to powder and buried deep beneath a hideous coating of broken lumps of chalk and rusty iron and decaying human remains

Monday, 30 April 2018

Charles Saatchi's Great Masterpieces: Toulouse-Lautrec conjured a world where an outsider could feel at home

https://www.telegraph.co.uk/art/artists/charles-saatchis-great-masterpieces-toulouse-lautrec-conjured/




Detail from At the Moulin Rouge by Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec
Detail from At the Moulin Rouge by Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec

Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec (1864-1901) was born into an aristocratic family, but unfortunately, the wrong one. He suffered from a number of congenital health conditions and a skeletal abnormality related to decades of inbreeding between relatives – his parents were first cousins, as were other members of the family.By the age of 15, he had broken both of his thigh bones, neither of which healed properly; the result was that his legs no longer continued to grow. As an adult he stood only 4ft 8in tall, and had difficulty walking, relying on the use of a cane. The handicap left Lautrec unable to participate in activities enjoyed by most boys of his age. Frequently bedridden, he immersed himself in art instead. But despite his mother’s hope that he would pursue this interest and become a well-respected painter, Lautrec began haunting Montmartre, then considered home to the underbelly of Parisian society.
It was certainly popular with artists: rents were low, the bars plentiful, and the atmosphere less socially constrictive than the rest of Paris. Here, Lautrec befriended the local prostitutes, and enjoyed the seedier side of bohemian life, only very occasionally painting a landscape or two.

Friday, 27 April 2018

First World War: How the ‘crisis of the war’ put the Allies in sight of victory

https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/register/first-world-war-how-the-crisisof-the-war-put-the-allies-in-sight-of-victory-0x6crrq00


Operations Michael and Georgette were to be a triumph for German infiltration tactics, but the enemy didn’t count on the superior materials of the Allied armies

German propaganda imagery shows German soldiers in Bailleul, north France, during Operation Georgette
German propaganda imagery shows German soldiers in Bailleul, north France, during Operation Georgette